Is There A Makeup Line Called Si

This section includes products such as rouges and lipsticks. The text below provides some historical context and shows how we tin use these products to explore aspects of American history, for case, the links between changes in American feminine identity and the American beauty industry. To skip the text and go straight to the objects, CLICK Here

A store window advertising sign depicting a pale-complected, red-lipped beauty idealized at the kickoff of the 20th century. Warshaw Collection of Business concern Americana, Archives Center, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution

In eighteenth century America, both men and women of the upper classes wore make-up. But, presently after the American Revolution the use of visible "paint" cosmetics (colored cosmetic for lips, peel, eyes, and nails) by either gender gradually became socially unacceptable.  For virtually of the nineteenth century few paint cosmetics were manufactured in America. Instead, women relied on recipes that circulated among friends, family, and women's magazines; using these recipes, they discreetly prepared lotions, powders, and peel washes to lighten their complexions and diminish the advent of blemishes or freckles. Druggists sold ingredients for these recipes, as well every bit the occasional ready-made preparation. Painting i'south face up was considered vulgar and was associated with prostitution, so whatever production used needed to appear "natural." Some women secretly stained their lips and cheeks with pigments from petals or berries, or used ashes to darken eyebrows and eyelashes. Woman worked to attain the era's ideal feminine identity; a "natural" and demure adult female with a pale-complexion, rosy lips and cheeks, and brilliant eyes.

In the 1880s, entrepreneurs began to produce their own lines of cosmetic products that promised to provide a "natural" look for their customers. Some of these new companies were pocket-size, woman-endemic businesses that typically used an agent system for distribution as pioneered by the California Perfume Company, afterwards rebranded as Avon. This business model immune many women to make money independently. Also, more than women were earning wages and buying cosmetics, thereby enlarging the market farther. Women could brand a living in the burgeoning cosmetics trade as business owners, agents, or factory workers. Most of these entrepreneurs came from fairly humble origins, and some managed to transform their local operations into successful businesses with a wide distribution of their products.  Florence Nightingale Graham, for example, was the girl of tenant farmers, and worked many low-paying jobs before opening a dazzler shop for elite clients and reinventing herself every bit Elizabeth Arden. African American women also found success through this model, but faced extra obstacles. Many white shop owners refused to consider stocking African American beauty products until successful businesses similar that of Madam C. J. Walker created enough of a demand through other distribution channels.

By the 1920s, it was fashionable for women, particularly in cities, to wear more conspicuous make-up. This shift reflected the growing influence of Hollywood and its glamourous new motion picture stars, too as the style of theater stars and flappers. "Painted" women could now also place every bit respectable women, even as they wore dramatic mascara, eyeliner, dusky eyeshadow, and lipstick like the stars of the screen. The growing ethnic diversity of the United States also influenced how cosmetics companies marketed their products. "Exotic" or "alluring" ethnic stereotypes became inspirations for brand-upward fashions that ostensibly reflected the American melting pot. White women could experiment with a trendy, exotic identity – and then wash information technology off. African American identity, yet, was explicitly excluded from this indigenous mingling. In the late 1920s and 1930s, it became fashionable for white women to sport the appearance of a "good for you" tan. Previously, a tan had been equated with working-class women who performed outdoor labor; now a tan identified a woman every bit modern and healthy, participating in outdoor recreations and leisure. Make-up colors were marketed in various "suntanned" shades, giving women the selection to remove the "tan" whenever they wished to reclaim a off-white complexion.

At this time, the cosmetics business concern experienced a major shift. Small cosmetics companies, many of which were owned by women, were replaced by larger corporations. Business concern models had inverse: in club to remain competitive and achieve wide distribution, a business had to engage in wholesale bargaining with male-endemic chain drug and section stores. Because women were usually excluded from these distribution channels, about female-owned businesses could not compete. By 1930, a pocket-sized scattering of companies controlled 40% of the cosmetics industry. These companies now released thousands of manufacturing plant-produced, like products under various brand names.

1930: The J.R. Watkins Company owned the Mary King Cosmetics line. Here, agents sell Watkins products and Mary King cosmetics. Scurlock Studio Records, Athenaeum Eye, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution

Spending on cosmetics increased dramatically when millions of women entered the workforce during the Second Earth War, gaining greater independence and purchasing power. Younger women embraced an overtly flirtatious persona, signaled through the conspicuous use of assuming rouge, pulverisation, lipstick, and nail shine. Many working women wore shorter, more "manly" hair styles, and make-up was used to reassert femininity. When nylon stockings became unavailable considering of war-fourth dimension commodity shortages, women turned to leg make-up—paint-on hosiery maintained the illusion of nylon-clad legs. Cosmetics advertisements and armed forces recruiting campaigns during the war emphasized women's dual responsibilities: support the war effort and maintain one'southward feminine identity through the use of make-up. Authorities-produced posters encouraging women to join the war effort depicted female nurses and factory workers in vivid cerise lipstick and dark mascara. Makeup, especially lipstick, had become such an essential component of American femininity, that the federal government quickly rescinded its wartime materials-rationing restrictions on cosmetics manufacturers in lodge to encourage apply of brand-up. As Kathy Peiss writes in "Hope in a Jar," the use of make-up had become "an assertion of American national identity."

Later the war, 80-90% of American women wore lipstick, and companies similar Avon and Revlon capitalized on this now-ingrained fashion. By the 1950s and 1960s, teenage girls were commonly wearing make-upward and cosmetic companies devised separate marketing campaigns to target the younger age groups.

In the late 1960s, using makeup became politicized. Counter-cultural movements celebrated ethics of natural beauty, including a rejection of make-upwards altogether. Cosmetics companies returned to advertisements that claimed that their products provided a "natural" look. These ideals nonetheless relied on racial whiteness as the basis of feminine beauty, but under continued force per unit area from women of color, major cosmetics firms began to cater to the African American market, not only by producing products geared toward black women (often under split up brands), merely also by hiring black women as sales agents. All the same, the and so-chosen "ethnic" segment of the cosmetic marketplace remained small, making upwards only two.three% of total sales in 1977.

1977 Revlon advertizing campaign for the "Polished Ambers drove...an heady collection for black women." Revlon Advertising Drove, Archives Center, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution

Bibliography ~ see the Bibliography Department for a total list of the references used in the making if this Object Grouping. However, the Make-up section relied on the following references:

Gill, Tiffany M. Beauty Shop Politics: African American Women's Activism in the Beauty Manufacture. Urbana; Chicago: Academy of Illinois Press, 2010.

Jones, Geoffrey. Beauty Imagined: A History of the Global Beauty Industry. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.

Jones, Geoffrey. "Blonde and Blue-eyed? Globalizing Beauty, c.1945–c.19801." The Economic History Review 61, no. 1 (February one, 2008): 125–54. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0289.2007.00388.ten.

Morris, Edwin T. Fragrance: The Story of Perfume from Cleopatra to Chanel. New York: Scribner, 1984.

Peiss, Kathy Lee. Promise in a Jar: The Making of America's Dazzler Civilization. New York: Metropolitan Books, 1998.

Scranton, Philip. Beauty and Business: Commerce, Gender, and Culture in Modern America. New York: Routledge, 2001.

Is There A Makeup Line Called Si,

Source: https://www.si.edu/spotlight/health-hygiene-and-beauty/make-up

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